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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">rusworld</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Россия и мир: научный диалог</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Russia &amp; World: Sc. Dialogue</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2782-3067</issn><publisher><publisher-name>НИИРК</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.53658/RW2025-4-4(18)-225-238</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">rusworld-359</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ВЛАСТЬ, ПОЛИТИКА, ГОСУДАРСТВО. Политические институты, процессы и технологии</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>POWER, POLITICS, STATE. Political institutions, processes and technologies</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Политические риски в сфере искусственного интеллекта: сравнительный анализ</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political Risks in Artificial Intelligence: A Comparative Analysis</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0009-0004-7575-8382</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Василенко</surname><given-names>А. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Vasilenko</surname><given-names>A. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Василенко Антон Владимирович. Независимый исследователь</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Anton V. Vasilenko.  Independent  Researcher</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">anton.vasilenko25@gmail.com</email></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2025</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>21</day><month>12</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>225</fpage><lpage>238</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Василенко А.В., 2025</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Василенко А.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Vasilenko A.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.russia-world.ru/jour/article/view/359">https://www.russia-world.ru/jour/article/view/359</self-uri><abstract><p>Исследование, представленное в статье, направлено на выявление системных угроз политической стабильности и цифровому суверенитету Республики Узбекистан, обусловленных фрагментарностью правового регулирования в области искусственного интеллекта (ИИ). На основании сравнительного анализа регуляторных моделей Узбекистана, Российской Федерации и Республики Казахстан были выявлены критические пробелы в системе правового регулирования ИИ в Узбекистане. В частности, отсутствуют специализированные законодательные акты, регулирующие использование ИИ, этические нормы его применения, прямые запреты на использование манипулятивных технологий, таких как deepfake, механизмы оценки рисков внедрения ИИ, четкое разграничение ответственности за причиненный вред, а также развитая национальная инфраструктура и эффективные инструменты подготовки кадров. В контексте медиаэкологической теории Маршалла Маклюэна, рассматривающей ИИ как «внешний мозг», указанные пробелы формируют порочный круг взаимосвязанных политических рисков. Когнитивная уязвимость населения, известная как «brain rot», в сочетании с нерегулируемыми синтетическими медиа (deepfake) создает условия для массовых манипуляций. Технологическая зависимость от зарубежных платформ и отток специалистов приводят к утрате цифрового суверенитета. Некритичное внедрение ИИ в государственный сектор при отсутствии механизмов ответственности подрывает институциональное доверие. В статье приведены доказательства того, что сохранение текущего регуляторного подхода превращает ИИ из инструмента развития в источник системной уязвимости. Для минимизации этих рисков необходимо незамедлительное принятие комплексного законодательства, учитывающего передовой опыт соседних государств и отвечающего современным вызовам в области правового регулирования ИИ.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The study presented in this article aims to identify systemic threats to political stability and digital sovereignty in the Republic of Uzbekistan caused by fragmented legal regulation in the field of artificial intelligence (AI). A comparative analysis of regulatory models in Uzbekistan, Russia and Kazakhstan revealed critical gaps in legal frameworks for AI, specifically, there is a lack of specialized legislation on use of AI, ethical standards, and a direct prohibition on manipulative techniques such as deepfakes, mechanisms for risk assessment, clear delineation of responsibility for harm, and the development of national infrastructure with effective training tools. In the context of Marshall McLuhan’s media ecological theory, which views AI as an “external brain,” these gaps create a vicious cycle of interrelated political risks. The population’s cognitive vulnerability, known as “brain rot,” combined with unregulated synthetic media (deepfakes), creates the conditions for mass manipulation. Technological dependence on foreign platforms and the exodus of specialists lead to the loss of digital sovereignty. The uncritical implementation of AI in the public sector without accountability mechanisms undermines institutional trust. The article provides evidence that maintaining the current regulatory approach turns AI from a tool for development into a source of systemic vulnerability. In order to minimize these risks, it is necessary to immediately adopt comprehensive legislation that takes into account best practices from neighboring countries and addresses current challenges in the legal regulation of AI.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>искусственный интеллект</kwd><kwd>Республика Узбекистан</kwd><kwd>регулирование ИИ</kwd><kwd>deepfake</kwd><kwd>brain rot</kwd><kwd>иллюзия компетентности</kwd><kwd>технологический суверенитет</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>artificial intelligence</kwd><kwd>Republic of Uzbekistan</kwd><kwd>AI regulation</kwd><kwd>deepfake</kwd><kwd>brain rot</kwd><kwd>illusory competence</kwd><kwd>technological sovereignty</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Виноградова Е.А. 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