The article provides assessments of the current state of relations between Russia and the West by European experts. Complex issues such as the Northern Military District in Ukraine, the situation in the South Caucasus, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and their consequences for European countries and the global world order are analyzed. The authors talk about the need to prevent outbreaks of a third world war, to overcome bipolar ideological confrontation, and about the values of the future world order. Justice and morality must become the basis of peace, which will lead to the restoration of trust between peoples and states. The need for dialogue with Russia and the inadmissibility of isolating individual countries from participation in international dialogues are argued. The authors are supporters of the principles of a multipolar world, freedom, justice, information objectivity, respect for other cultures and religions, and speak of the inadmissibility of discrimination on national, racial or religious grounds. The article was prepared based on the materials of the international symposium “United Kingdom – EU – Russia – Greater Middle East: Challenges and Prospects”, held in Bratislava (February 27–28, 2024)

 The article shows the transformation of traditional spiritual and moral values in the modern international situation. The author compares Russian and Western approaches and proves Russia’s global leadership in preserving universal spiritual and moral values. According to the author, currently the aggressive attack of postmodern supporters on religion, family, marriage, school is clearly manifesting itself, mockery of shrines is taking place, and conflicts are being provoked. Russia, through its centuries-old history, came to the current state national policy, striving to bring to other peoples what enriched them, and not turn them into mankurts who do not remember kinship. Russia’s authority on the world stage today is largely based precisely on the fact that it is perceived as a defender of traditional values. For the vast majority of the inhabitants of our planet, the common values are justice, equality, a strong traditional family, responsibility for their country, for its political and cultural heritage.

The article presents the authors’ thoughts on the reasons for the growing role of the religious factor in modern international relations, and the risks associated with the politicization of religions. It is concluded that religious diversity and at the same time the commonality of basic values directly correlate with the emerging multipolarity of the modern world. It is noted that against the backdrop of the crisis of the Western liberal order and neoliberal ideology, religion and its institutions have become symbols of new fundamentalism, that is, an ideology that calls for a return to the foundations of faith and one’s worldview and culture. The growing role of religion as an institution of civil society and the need to make this institution stronger, to integrate it into civil society and into the system of patriotic education are noted. A classification of types of interreligious dialogue (polemical, cognitive, peacemaking, partnership) and levels of interreligious dialogue (high, medium, low) is presented. The specifics of interreligious dialogue in the post-Soviet space and the features of post-Soviet religious and political identity, the new attitude of political authorities to the institutions of faith are determined: the desire to integrate them into the social structure of society and into social policy. A brief description of interreligious dialogue in the USSR and in the post-Soviet period is given. The prospects for the development of ethno-confessional relations in the post-Soviet space are considered. Recommendations are given for the development of interreligious dialogue at the present stage.

The scarcity of water resources, the lack of equitable access of people to clean water and sanitation services, the insufficiency of technical and financial measures to create advanced systems for the use and conservation of water resources are global problems, but they cause the greatest damage to the states of the Global South, including Central Asia. Problems associated with water shortages in this region will worsen if the Kush-Tepa canal, which is being built in Afghanistan, is uncontrolled.

The states of the region are committed to negotiations with the Taliban government in order to agree on cooperation in the field of water use, they are ready to help in the construction of the canal, associated irrigation systems and help in their technical equipment.

The Afghan side, accepting verbally the initiatives of its Central Asian partners, insists on its right to use the canal at its own discretion and to the extent that meets its interests. At the same time, the Taliban authorities, not yet recognized by the international community, are trying not to aggravate relations with their neighbors with whom they carry out trade and economic cooperation. The Central Asian countries are making it clear that interaction with the Afghans can further develop if the parties take into account mutual interests. External actors behave differently. Russia offers its services in solving problems related to the operation of the Kush-Tepa Canal. The Americans are providing financial assistance to speed up the construction of the canal.

Modern challenges, packages of European and American sanctions, and a special military operation in Ukraine have contributed to Russia’s reorientation to the East, not only in trade, economic and energy terms. The issue of military-political cooperation, in particular, between the countries of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the People’s Republic of China has acquired particular relevance. The coherence of their actions both in the direction of “CSTO + 1” and “CSTO + Shanghai Cooperation Organization” contributed to the development of interaction, a new round in the development of the CSTO, although some of its participants declare the possibility of leaving the Treaty (Armenia). But there are also countries that are ready to take a more active part in its work (Syria, North Korea). At the same time, none of the CSTO countries sent their military contingents to support the Russian army in the Northern Military District.

The Central Asian region occupies a special place in the system of relations between the CSTO and China: for example, the peacekeeping operation of the CSTO countries in Kazakhstan in January 2022 attracted the close attention of the Chinese authorities, which once again demonstrated their interest in regional stability. In the context of American pressure on China, its authorities have repeatedly spoken positively about jointly countering such challenges as terrorism, separatism and extremism (“three evils”).

The purpose of this work is to assess the prospects for cooperation in the field of countering the “three evils”. To achieve this goal, the authors use the comparative analysis method and SWOT assessment. The authors come to the concluson that since the CSTO countries and China face similar challenges, there is a possibility of situational involvement of China in the military operations of the CSTO. Therefore, a broader consideration of the “linkage” between the CSTO and the SCO is required.

The article, based on scientific literature and a large number of sources: sociological studies, various statistical and analytical materials, regulations, materials from mass media and social networks, provides an analysis of the deepening split in historically similar (according to G.Hofstede’s criteria) neighboring societies of Latvia and Russia. 12 groups of communications are considered that determine the content of the information space of Latvia in relation to Russia: foreign policy, economics, attitude towards Russia and Russians, education, science, culture, media, non-profit organizations, youth, religious and interreligious, freedom of movement, interregional communications. The results of the study show that Latvians and Russians are divided not so much by ethnic characteristics or the specifics of culture and traditions, but by their attitude to political history. At the same time, the negativization of the Russian state and Russians is undertaken mainly not by the population, but by the ruling political elite of Latvia, whose behavior is entirely determined by the interests of the countries of the Anglo-Saxon world. At the same time, the currently obvious divergence (divergence) in the development paths of historically similar societies that have been in the same civilizational space for centuries has led to differentiation in the manifestations of communication. Signs of an accelerating divergence in communication processes between Latvia and Russia are manifested in foreign policy communications, attitudes towards Russia and Russians, in culture, in the media and some other areas. Profiles of containing the divergence of communication processes – in religious and interreligious communications, youth, scientific communications, freedom of movement, etc. The results obtained allow us to hope with cautious optimism for the restoration of good-neighborly communication relations between Latvia and Russia in the foreseeable future.

The article is devoted to the possibilities of dialogue of civilizations in a global, trans-border cultural space. The concept of civilization as a network of broad communications is new and promising, which removes the attachment of civilizational communities to a territory or state and turns civilizations into open, inclusive, cultural and communication entities. In the context of the extensive and unique historical experience of intercivilizational ties and relations, the Central Asian region can be classified as one of the most successful and longest-lasting “civilizations of encounters.” The communicative significance of this experience as a long and successful symbiosis of different cultures and religions and the role of dialogue with Russia in this heritage, in its preservation and revival are considered. Dialogue with Russia is a network of historical and modern relations and interactions between our countries. The article was prepared on the basis of a report made by the author at the Dushanbe session “Civilizational dialogue between Russia and the countries of Central Asia” of the VIII international conference “Russia and the world: dialogues - 2024. Forces of attraction.”

The article provides an analysis of the features of the dialogue of civilizations in Central Asia. The region is considered as an intercivilizational hub where Persian, Hellenistic, Babylonian, Chinese, Indian, Mongolian, Arab, and Turkic civilizations interacted and competed. As a result, a special type of culture arose that influences peoples, their national psychology, religion, and linguistic characteristics. Historically, the region was a contact zone of settled agricultural and nomadic civilizations. The impetus for the development of the region was given by its transit potential, in particular the Great Silk Road. The authors believe that at the present stage, dialogue is possible based on an understanding of the historical community of different peoples living in the region, and one’s own civilizational identity, which is based on traditional values. The political culture of the Central Asian countries has developed its own democratic principles, which are not always identical to Western ones. At the present stage, new dialogue platforms are emerging where active intercivilizational dialogue is conducted. Along with the dialogue are Afghanistan, Iran, China, Pakistan.

The relationship between politics and history is becoming complex and tense in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. The history of the countries and peoples of the region becomes the subject of an intense ideological struggle, during which Soviet historiography is partially, and sometimes completely, rejected, and new ideological myths are created that have no real historical basis. Not only historiography is being rethought, but also its context – historical memory, the historical culture of the new states of Central Asia. On the one hand, the ruling elites seek to place the historical memory of the Central Asian peoples under strict state control, affirming the ideology of state nationalism and referring to it not only political doctrines, but also traditions, religion, philosophy, social and human sciences. The rejection of society from cultural memory is typical for Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. On the other hand, historical memory becomes an ideological tool of intra-elite political struggle and society (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan). This is the essence of the post-Soviet civilizational transit in Central Asia.

Relations between Orthodox and Muslims in the Western Balkans often become a  world-class topic due to the interest of international factors actively involved in this process. The Serbian Orthodox Church is a key factor in the development of interfaith dialogue, to which it has made a significant contribution through its primates, bishops and priests. Her role came to the fore in the post-war years, when, despite great sacrifices among Orthodox believers, she called for interfaith peace and coexistence, thereby contributing to the stability of the Western Balkans. In historical retrospect, the article examines the relations of peoples and representatives of different religions in one common state in political circumstances. The facts presented in the article allow us to draw conclusions about the level of interfaith dialogue and the contribution of representatives of various faiths to interfaith reconciliation. The article is an experience of a comprehensive scientific study of interreligious relations between Orthodox and Muslims in Serbia: when writing it, the researcher turned to various sources: Christian and Muslim religious and apologetic literature, history, sociology, journalism, etc., aiming at an impartial presentation of the most accurate and diverse information on this topic.

The article discusses the problems of merging geopolitics and religion. Using the example of Belarusian Orthodoxy, the author shows how religious institutions can become instruments for the implementation of geopolitical strategies, in particular the Polish foreign policy doctrine of the Intermarium. The influence of this doctrine on the position of the Orthodox Church in the Baltic-Black Sea region, including on the territory of Belarus, is analyzed. The author examines the specific historical conditions of the periodic actualization of Polish geopolitical projects in relation to Belarus. Using some examples, he shows the technologies of the United States working with the Belarusian anti-Soviet emigration and the technologies of using religious institutions to implement geopolitical strategies. It is concluded that modern interpretations of the Intermarium doctrine are directly related to the policy of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in relation to the East Slavic territories associated with the Kiev Metropolis of the XV–XVII centuries. The assessment of the activities of the primate of the Orthodox Church in Poland on the Ukrainian-Belarusian lands in the first half of the 1940s is new for domestic and foreign historiography as an attempt to build a “church Intermarium”. The article contains unique materials about the anti-Soviet activities of the Belarusian emigration, its contradictions and splits. The findings actualize the issue of developing mechanisms to counteract manipulative influence against the Orthodox Church, carried out in order to achieve political benefits. Based on the results of the consideration of the problem, a recommendation is proposed regarding the need for planned systematic work to strengthen church immunity against external manipulative influence, fraught with disruption of social and confessional balance in the Republic of Belarus.

The article examines the prerequisites and consequences of the global oil crisis of 1973. It analyzes not only the political reasons that prompted the Arab oil exporting countries to use the “oil weapon” (the unresolved Middle East conflict and the Palestinian problem), but also the crisis phenomena in the Western economy. Not only Arab countries, but also powerful oil companies, backed by Western countries, especially the United States, were interested in change. For the West, the oil crisis caused difficulties and problems in the short term, but in the long term it turned out to be a catalyst that accelerated structural and technological changes in the Western economy and in the global financial system. The oil crisis allowed the oil-producing countries of the Arab East to sharply increase the level of state income, which opened up opportunities for accelerated socio-economic development, and also increased the authority of these countries and OPEC in international relations.