The article examines a new scientific category of communication regime, analyses its scope, socio-political significance and features. The author describes communication regime as a controlled (with varying degree of controllability), institutionalized (with varying degree of institutionalization), conventional (with varying degree of conventionality) system of norms, rules, principles, traditions, structures, and actors that regulates information and communication processes. The immanent components of the communication regimes are communications (the process and the result of establishing two- or multilateral contacts) and information (the messages transmitted in the process of communication or in a one-way, unidirectional process of informing). The social essence of the communication regime lies in the ordering of communication and information, and the political essence in ensuring the reproduction of the current government, which together allows the system to preserve itself. The social essence of the communication regime lies in the harmonisation of communication and information, the political essence is in ensuring the reproduction of the current government, which in aggregate allows the system to preserve itself. The construction of communication regimes occurs by: (1) institutionalizing the ideas of the subjects of power about the ideal model of organizing information and communication processes in society; (2) consociations regarding the historically established norms and traditions of communication; (3) taking into account the interests of large and significant social groups; (4) adaptation of the current regime to new communication practices. Communication modes have complex subject-object relationships in which objects can become subjects and change the current regime. The author reveals the paradoxes and contradictions of communication modes, the underestimation of which can lead to social and political destabilization. A model for a comprehensive analysis of country communication regimes is proposed, developed by the author under the influence of systemic, institutional approaches, the ideas of constructivists, and taking into account the possibilities of the empirical level of research, fixation and pooling of scientific facts.

The article is devoted to an actual interdisciplinary problem at the intersection of political science and religious studies – the discourse of the political in religion, the politicization of religion, the artificial transfer of purely spiritual values, phenomena and categories into the political field in order to use religion for political purposes. The author considers the problem from two angles: (1) the politicization of religion for mercenary purposes and (2) the clergy’s political activity based on a deliberately politicized religious teaching that has a strong political platform (ideology) at its core. This study is purely theoretical, and nevertheless the author undertakes a number of empirical digressions in order to demonstrate how the politicization of religion manifests itself in the socio-political sphere of human life. Thus, the main problem of the study should be designated as a theoretical understanding and disclosure of the practical significance (i.e., risks and effects) of the religion politicization’s negativity and how it could effect on religious groups. The article identifies the objective factors of the mutual influence of religion and politics, the presence of strong political origins in a number of creeds, and the rich historical experience of the political role of faith in society.

The article examines the features of Soviet-Iranian and further Russian-Iranian relations, starting with the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 to the present. The paper reveals the main stages and events in bilateral relations with particular emphasis on bilateral cooperation on the issue of Syria and the consideration of Iran’s interests in this country, including economic ones. The author attempts to determine the grade of the achieved bilateral relations established at soviet times as confrontational, although in the very last years of the existence of the Soviet Union they began to improve. The tendency to improve and intensify relations continued after the collapse of the USSR. However, Russian-Iranian relations at the present stage, on the whole, cannot be characterized as allied. Although in the case of Syria, one can indeed observe their alliance, nevertheless, in general, relations between Russia and Iran keep far from being deep enough, and in a number of cases in recent decades there has been rivalry or even conflict between the two countries, as, for example, in the issuance of Russia’s refusal to supply Iran with air S-300 defense systems. Nevertheless, given the external pressure on both countries, along with the growing attention to traditional values, there is a certain likelihood of expanding and deepening Russian-Iranian relations to the level of allies.

Central Asia (CA) is one of the key regions in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (RF) and the People Republic of China (PRC). The interaction of the countries of CA with RF and PRC, the Russian and Chinese involvement in the affairs of the region have inherent characteristics. The significance of the region and its specific states for Russia and China differ, as well as the nature of the relationship of this large group of actors with each other and the rest of the world. This paper analyzes the main directions of the relations of CA with the RF and PRC using an integrated, systemic, comparative-comparative and interdisciplinary approaches. Authors note, that the economic relations of the countries of region with Russia and China are diverse, multi-dimensional and multi-format. They identify and discuss the following key issues: (1) economic and geographical isolation of Central Asia, as well as a number of territories of Russia and China; (2) raw-resource orientation of most economies of the region; (3) weak economic integration in CA, as well as within the framework of concrete key institutions; (4) asymmetry of economic development of Russia and China. It is indicated that it is precisely the solution of strategic tasks that can and should become the main incentive for building mechanisms of multifaceted and full-fledged cooperation at the bilateral and multilateral levels, not only between Central Asia and China, but also between Central Asia and the Russia. This should facilitate the process of regional and interregional economic integration in the interior of the continent to a qualitatively new level, initiate the formation of sustainable institutional framework designed to ensure integrated security (economic, political, social and other) and the progressive development of Eurasia.

Today due to global climate change the Northern Sea Route is being formed along the northern coast of Russia as a new international maritime passage in the Arctic. Due to the rapid increase in the interest of regional and non-Arctic states, the scientific community and business to this transportation route, there is a need to study the prospects for cooperation between Russia and other countries on the development of the Northern Sea Route. The paper provides a detailed analysis of the interests of external players in the NSR area, taking into account the latest changes and events, while the author uses swot-analysis and a comparative analytical approach to conduct the study. The results of the study have shown that cooperation with some Arctic countries on the development of the NSR could bring mutual benefits: Canada and Russia would exchange experience on the development of similar sea routes, and Norway and Iceland would receive advantages as hubs on new routes. Non-regional countries, such as China, South Korea, Japan, Singapore and India, are interested in the NSR. For them, the Northern Sea Route is potentially shorter and safer compared to traditional routes, and it also allows to participate in projects located near its water area in science, energy and transport sectors. In turn, the participation of foreign partners is important for Russia, since it is usually accompanied by the active use of the route, the creation of large projects throughout its entire length, the attraction of serious funds, modern technologies and knowledge to the Arctic zone of the country.

The paper is dedicated to the differences between the classical instruments for regulating interstate political and trade-economic relations from those used in the development of regional integration processes. Traditionally, the Eurasian Economic Union is compared with the European Union, considering the EU as a close example to follow in the development of integration processes. At the same time, there exist the other models of integration. The author proposes to pay attention to the other models of integration and based on the analysis of documents, reveals the experience of Northern Europe, which demonstrates effective cooperation without infringing on the sovereignty of the participants. The author examines the features of the integration experience of the Nordic countries in relation to the possibility of using its elements in the modern integration practice of the Eurasian Economic Union.

This paper is devoted to the analysis of the influence of the new religious movements of the Russian Federation on the religious landscape of the Republic of Belarus. The study has shown the following results: (1) the country of origin was determined for the alleged general population of 1113 new religious movements, the activities of which are documented in the Republic of Belarus. A significant part of them were founded in Russia, and the group of Russian new religious movements is in the lead among the foreign new religious movements almost twice exceeding the group of new religious movements created in Western countries. (2) The article represents the distribution according to the structural and substantive characteristics of the new Russian religious movements operating in the Republic of Belarus in comparison with the totality of new religious movements created in the United States and (3) shows the dynamics of migration of Russian new religious movements to Belarus. (4) Based on the analysis of Belarusian print media the main indicators of advertising and criticism of Russian and Western new religious movements are revealed. To represent the research results the author uses a matrix of non-traditional religiosity as tool for monitoring, recording and visualizing the whole variety of its forms and varieties for a specific area in a given period of time. In conclusion, the author proposes a number of promising directions for further analysis of the stated topic.

Russian-language teaching schools, or bilingual schools, are the most important institution for the reproduction of the ethno-cultural collective identity of the Russian and Russian-speaking population in modern Latvia. The present and future of these schools are included in a very complex legal and socio-political context. On the one hand, Latvian legislation proclaims the right of ethnic minorities to preserve their identity, on the other hand, the dominant political discourse is focused on reducing teaching in Russian in these schools to a minimum. The article shows that it is the political context constructed by the leading political parties, and not the rights guaranteed by the constitution to ethnic minorities, that is the main factor that leads to a sharp weakening of Russian (bilingual) education in Latvia. The research material is based on the Latvian legislation in the field of education and language, the programs of political parties, the data of scientific research of Latvian sociologists, including the author of the article, expert assessments of scientists and public figures of the process of education of ethnic minorities.

The article proves the necessity of implementing socio-humanitarian technologies during ongoing global geopolitical instability. Modern people’s diplomacy is defined as information and communication technology with new qualitative characteristics. The authors (1) provide a definition of people’s diplomacy as a social and humanitarian phenomenon with a range of distinctive characteristics, that differentiates it from public diplomacy or, in particular, cultural diplomacy, and identify the types of public diplomacy and its potential. General theoretical calculations are applied to the relations of Western countries and Ukraine to Russia and Crimea after reunification. Based on the analysis of the modern agenda of discussing the Crimean case in the practice of such international organizations as the UN and the OSCE, the authors raise the question of changing the agenda from interstate to humanitarian. Within the study the authors highlight the scientific type of people’s diplomacy, the attention is focused on the role and opportunities of the international scientific community in the peaceful settlement of the humanitarian problems.