Dear readers!

We dedicate this issue of the journal to the analysis of the controversial processes taking place in Afghanistan, the importance of which is high for ensuring peace and stability in the region.

The article analyzes the main stages of the evolution of the Taliban* movement. Considering the transformation of the military-political activity of the movement, the author identifies five main stages: the birth of the Taliban*, the first reign, a period of calm, a period of revival and re-rule. According to the estimates presented in the article, the main goals and objectives of the Taliban* have not changed much over 20 years, but the composition of the movement has changed, which was reflected in changes in the prohibition policy.

The article examines the sources of financing of the Taliban for twenty years. The author identifies internal and external sources of income of the Taliban* Movement. The role of illegal drug production in financing the activities of the Taliban in the struggle for power is emphasized.

The article is devoted to trade, economic and humanitarian cooperation and cooperation in the field of education between Russia and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The main obstacle to economic interaction was removed: the debt problem was settled, which opened up opportunities for state financing of economic projects. Russian firms have taken an active part in the revival of Afghanistan. The creation of a number of joint organizations and the most favored nation treatment led to the fact that in 2011 and 2014 trade between Russia and Afghanistan reached its peak. Humanitarian cooperation also developed. Russia provided assistance to Afghanistan in the field of education.

The article examines the reasons for the American invasion of Afghanistan, the main tasks solved by American politicians and the military in this country, the evolution of Washington’s strategy and tactics during the military operation in 2001-2021, as well as the results of the 20-year American military presence in the country.

The article is devoted to US politics in Eurasia in the context of the US claims to a key role in the world and the desire to independently manage the pieces on the “Great Chessboard”. The article examines US policy in the Middle East and the relationship between the military campaign in Iraq and the situation in Afghanistan. The author concludes that at present the United States concentrated attention on the territories around the Russian Federation, forming a belt of unfriendliness.

The article discusses the foundations of the modern foreign policy of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction. They were formed at the beginning of the reforms of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2016. Their concept is that Afghanistan is seen not as a threat to stability and security, but as a set of opportunities for Uzbekistan and the Central Asian region, especially for their economic development. The Uzbek approach is based on the following principles: support for peace and stability in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan will contribute to the establishment of a peaceful life in Afghanistan and greater participation of the world community in this process; the integration of Afghanistan into projects for the development of relations between Central and South Asia, which are being implemented by Tashkent. Such a realistic approach allowed Uzbekistan to build flexible and constructive relations with the Afghan authorities both before and after the events of August 15, 2021.

The Afghan direction has always played an important role in the foreign strategy of independent Kazakhstan, which is due to the overall regional security. Instability in Afghanistan, the associated risks for the Central Asian countries, historically determined the policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. From the very beginning, the Kazakh authorities sought to actively participate in stabilizing and strengthening peace in Afghanistan, including providing direct humanitarian and economic assistance to Kabul. This created conditions for the development of cooperation at the interstate level, which led to the gradual expansion of trade relations. Now Afghanistan is considered as one of the important markets for Kazakh producers. It should be emphasized that Kazakhstan has always been guided by political pragmatism. This manifested itself after the events of 2021, which led to the formation of a new Afghan government by representatives of the Taliban* movement. Despite the non-recognition of the new Afghan authorities in accordance with international requirements, Astana continued its dialogue with Kabul on the most important topics, especially those related to supporting the Afghan population in order to prevent a sharp deterioration in the situation in the country. This is in the interests not only of Afghanistan itself, but also of regional and international forces.

The article is devoted to the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Afghanistan. An overview of Tehran’s relations with Afghanistan is given, including ties between the two countries in the political, cultural, economic and humanitarian spheres. The main ways of Iran’s influence on the situation in Afghanistan are shown. Iran’s policy towards Afghanistan and the development of relations after the Taliban* came to power in August 2021 is analyzed.

The article contains the results of a pilot study of the controllability of information and communication processes in Afghanistan. The author defines the concept of “communication regime” and “controllability”, describes the indicators of controllability of communication regimes and their main types. The concept of communication regime is applied for the first time in the context of Afghanistan. The author analyzes the degree of conventionality of the communication regime control center in Afghanistan and comes to the conclusion that the regime, in general, is weakly conventional. The centers of control of the communication regime inside and outside the country are considered, and the conclusion is made about the weak controllability of the communication regime on the part of the Taliban*. The ability of the Taliban* to transfer the communication regime from one state to another without conflict, the ability to control and achieve the target parameters of the communication regime, the ability of the Taliban* to use the mechanisms of self-organization and society are evaluated. to regulate communication regimes. A number of features of the communication regime are highlighted, for example, the presence of “blind spots” that are not always seen and understood by those who manage public communications. The article contains web analytics, statistical data on mass media, popular browsers, search engines, transmitting devices.

The article analyzes the attitude of Tajikistan to the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan and to security problems in this country after the Taliban* came to power in August 2021. Unlike many states in the region, which were not particularly worried about the transition of Afghanistan under the control of a terrorist organization, this event negative reaction in the Tajik society. It perceived the threat to the Tajiks of Afghanistan as a threat to itself, its language, culture, values and, in general, the very existence of the nation. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon openly insisted on the formation of an inclusive government, on the obligatory consideration of the interests of ethnic Tajiks, who are about 46 percent of the population of Afghanistan. The consequences of the coming of the Taliban* to power are for the first time seen in Tajikistan as a threat to the national identity of the Tajiks, Tajiks as a nation.

The article is devoted to the study of the rights and status of women in Afghan society over the past 30 years, after the end of the secular system in the country. A brief overview of the situation since the beginning of the 20th century is given, the place and position of Afghan women in society after the coming to power of the Mujahideen and then the Taliban* is shown, the development of education and the process of involving the female population in socio-economic and political life after 2001 and the change in the situation with the return to power of the Taliban are studied.

The article is devoted to the measures taken by the new Taliban* Afghan government in social policy to get relative internal legitimacy and at the same time pursue a radical course aimed at the harsh Islamization of Afghan society. It is shown how the Taliban are implementing measures in serious social situation, and the contribution of the new Afghan authorities to the stabilization of the humanitarian situation is analyzed.