The article discusses the initiative of the transport corridor “Putin’s Way”, which involves the restoration of communication along the route “Russia – Abkhazia – Georgia – Armenia”. The purpose of the study is to determine the geostrategic and political-communication significance of this project. The prerequisites for the project, the interests of Russia, Armenia, Georgia and Abkhazia, as well as the limitations associated with the conflict legacy of the region are analyzed. It is noted that several competing transport connectivity architectures are being formed in the South Caucasus, including the North-South ITC, TRIPP, the Zangezur Corridor, the Crossroads of the World, the Trans-Caspian Corridor, Iranian routes through Armenia and along the Araks River. At the same time, the same sections of transport infrastructure can be simultaneously considered as elements of different corridors, but competition takes place not only between routes, but between the principles of their organization, management models, control mechanisms and political conditions of operation. It is shown that the “Putin’s Way” initiative goes beyond the scope of the transport and logistics project and represents one of the models of regional connectivity based on the historically and geographically determined connection between Russia and the South Caucasus. It restrains the monopolization of the agenda of unblocking communications by external forces and creates additional conditions for dialogue, coordination of interests and increased trust. Despite tense relations, all countries of the South Caucasus are currently united by an interest in predictable relations. It is concluded that the basis for an agreement (and not a situational “deal”) on a project may not be the coincidence of political positions, but the formation of practical interdependence, creating space for compromise, sustainable dialogue and the gradual restoration of lost trust. The name “Putin’s Way” emphasizes the geostrategic scale of the project, Russia’s approaches to building good neighborly relations, and connects its implementation with the level of political authority necessary to achieve interstate agreements.

The article examines the genesis and current state of the Slavic world as a politically identical construct that arose in the first half of the 19th century in response to the civilizational stigmatization of the Slavs by the Romano-Germanic world. The author analyzes the “Slavic turn” as a form of reflexive emancipation, which, however, carries the risk of remaining dependent on Western discourse through negative self-identification – by negating of their negative image of the Slavs. Special attention is paid to the epistemic and emotional hegemony of the West, which, according to the author, continues to determine the perception of Slavic peoples both within their own societies and in international relations. The examples of Poland, Croatia, Ukraine, Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Bosnia and Herzegovina demonstrate the presence of intra-Slavic schisms, quasi-national counteridentities, and collaborationist positions that hinder the formation of a stable pan-Slavic attitude. The paper also discusses the differences in the perception of the Muslim world between Russia and Serbia as a systemic limitation for developing a common Slavic political position. The article attaches special importance to the category of “subalternized peoples,” borrowed from postcolonial theory, but given an original interpretation: by it, the author understands those Slavic societies that, while fighting for “pan-European values,” actually reproduce the colonial attitude towards themselves, becoming instruments of external control of other “backward” Slavic peoples. The conclusion is drawn that without the discursive sovereignty of Slavic states and overcoming internalized Western stereotypes, the concept of the Slavic World risks remaining an abstract political discourse devoid of concrete content and effective subjectivity.

The years 2026–2027 have been jointly designated as the Cross Years of Education between Russia and China, representing a strategic initiative by the leaders of both countries aimed at the long-term strengthening of bilateral relations and the sustainable development of cooperation across multiple domains. Education is traditionally regarded as part of the humanitarian sphere; however, its significance extends beyond culture, exerting a profound impact on the economic, technological, and social development of both countries. Drawing on the perspective of educational diplomacy, this article systematically examines and analyzes the practices of Sino–Russian cooperation in language education, secondary education, higher education, vocational education, and digital education. The study employs historical, quantitative, case study, and systems analysis methods based on the examination of official documents, statistical data, and academic publications from Russia and China. The findings indicate that Russian–Chinese educational diplomacy is characterized by a high level of institutionalization, with a gradual shift of focus toward science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) disciplines. At the same time, significant achievements have been made in language promotion, talent training, academic exchanges, and the establishment of joint platforms. The study shows that Russian–Chinese educational interaction has formed a sustainable system of cooperation, contributing to the strengthening of the strategic partnership and the development of scientific, technological, and economic collaboration. Educational diplomacy between the two countries plays an important role in enhancing strategic mutual trust and in shaping a multipolar international educational space. In the context of intensifying geopolitical competition, educational diplomacy serves as a key instrument for cultivating talent that supports technological autonomy, scientific and technological innovation, and economic transformation in Russia and China, laying a sustainable foundation for their joint development and enhanced global competitiveness.

The article analyzes the genesis of Indian strategic culture through the synthesis of classical Kautilya realism, Nehru idealism and modern course towards multipolarity. India positions itself as a civilizational state striving for the status of a great power through the concept of strategic autonomy, adapting ancient philosophical categories for national security. The article uses a comprehensive methodological framework that combines comparative historical analysis and a constructivist approach to study the evolution of Indian thought through the prism of discursive analysis of official documents, speeches of leaders and classical texts as well as event analysis. The results of the study show that the modern Indian way of constructing strategic culture is characterized by a synthesis of paradigms, institutionalization of autonomy and Indian civilizational features in understanding foreign policy. The article provides insight into the place and role of a multi-alignment strategy for India’s foreign policy, using the examples of BRICS and QUAD as case studies. The study revealed the similarity of strategic cultures of Russia and India, namely the key understanding of need for autonomous existence of civilizational states, need for a multipolar world, as well as strategic autonomy. A similar understanding of fundamentals as ensuring national interests and security allows us to diagnose the importance of Russian-Indian relations as equal partners and cultures with related value bases. The study of India’s strategic culture will contribute to the development of Russian-Indian relations, including diasporic ties and the formation of a favorable image of India in Russia and Russia in India, despite India’s cross-membership in QUAD. 

This article analyzes the territorial and global narratives used by China to define its presence and legitimize its activities in the Arctic region. The relevance of this study is determined by the growing geopolitical uncertainty in the Arctic, caused by intense competition for natural resources, dominance in infrastructure projects, including through the use of force, climate change, increased shipping, and the growing role of non-Arctic states, primarily China. This article aims to identify and systematize China’s key narrative strategies in territorial and global contexts and to determine the tools for their implementation. The methodological basis is a combination of analytical methods, including content analysis of Chinese official documents, media materials (Xinhua, Global Times, China Daily, People’s Daily), and expert publications, as well as institutional analysis. The results of the study allowed us to identify territorial narratives of China’s media discourse (the Arctic as a “common frontier,” a “near-Arctic power,” the “Polar Silk Road,” scientific presence, and shared territoriality with Russia) and global narratives (climate responsibility, a “community of shared destiny for humanity,” multipolarity, infrastructure globalism, technological leadership, responsible investor, and new data governance regimes). The study concludes that China’s media discourse combines defensive, cooperative, and scientific-climate narratives, allowing Beijing to simultaneously respond to external criticism and promote the image of a responsible global power. It concludes that science diplomacy, institutional integration, and infrastructure projects serve as key mechanisms for soft legitimization of China’s presence; however, persistent geopolitical risks and the politicization of science may limit the effectiveness of this strategy.

This article analyzes the structural transformation of military-technical cooperation (MTC) among Central Asian states in 2020–2025. The author demonstrates that the region, long a monopoly for Russian military exports, has transformed into a competitive arena for cooperation between Russia, China, Turkey, the United States, and other actors. Based on data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and open sources, a steady decline in Russia’s share is documented, along with a simultaneous increase in the total volume of arms imports and a sharp increase in the military budgets of the region’s countries. To systematize the strategies of Central Asian states, a typology of military-technical behavior models is proposed: “supporting ally” (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan), “diversifying importer” (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan), and “localizing importer” (Kazakhstan). Particular attention is paid to qualitative shifts in the range of supplies: the shift in demand from heavy traditional platforms to unmanned systems, intelligence and communications equipment, due to the experience of modern conflicts, including special military operation. An additional factor of instability is the situation in Afghanistan and the Middle East, stimulating demand for modernization of security forces and border control. The article formulates practical recommendations for Russian relevant agencies, including proposals for establishing joint UAV production with localization, developing service infrastructure, and establishing comprehensive partnerships instead of one-time transactions. It concludes that a balanced and adaptive military-technical policy remains essential for maintaining Russia’s presence in one of the most geopolitically sensitive regions of the world.

This article examines contemporary global politics as a complex and dynamic system of social interactions. It substantiates the need to apply a sociological approach to the study of global politics, which allows for a deeper understanding of the causes of instability in the modern world, the transformation of sovereignty, and the changing role of society in contemporary international relations in the XXI century. Sociological analysis reveals the relationship between social processes and the political dynamics of international relations. The study utilizes systemic, structural-functional, institutional, and dialectical approaches. This approach reveals the critical mass of social contradictions that have accumulated to date, manifested in the transformation of the global system and the decline in trust in states and international institutions. The renewal of the structure of international actors and the specifics of their network interactions are examined. Actor-based and substantive changes in the political socialization of individuals and states are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the patterns of foreign policy decision-making and the mistakes of political elites, which arise under the influence of groupthink and the use of historical analogies. The study demonstrates that the world is in a transitional phase between the old liberal world order and a new, fragmented, and selfish social reality. Contemporary global politics is in a state of structural and narrative transition, in which the erosion of the old order is accompanied by the fragmentation of social ties, a crisis of institutional trust, competition between collective identities, historical memory, and normative projects for the future global order. The emerging multipolarity represents not only a shift in the balance of power but also a struggle for a new understanding of legitimacy, sovereignty, development, and security in the XXI century.

This article analyzes the long-term process of state formation as an inherent institution within society, emerging from the differentiation of the social organism and accompanied by the monopolization of political functions and the production of norms and means of violence. Drawing on the tradition of political anthropology (P.Clastres, M.Godelier, C.Tilly) and a socio-historical approach, the author demonstrates that the constitutive violence underlying the initial separation of the ruling group from the rest of society does not disappear with the institutionalization of state structures but rather becomes latent, resurfacing in crisis situations. Bureaucratic and administrative mechanisms, developing on the principles of rationality, calculation, and procedural discipline, consolidate the autonomy of the state apparatus, transforming it into a self-referential authority capable of imposing its rules on society both from without and through the internalization of state norms by individuals themselves. Particular attention is paid to how regimes of exception, wars, terrorism, economic crises, and pandemics expose the deep mechanisms of the state’s structural pressure on society and normalize a wide range of controlling and restrictive practices that are subsequently entrenched in everyday governance. The article examines various forms of societal responses, from open rebellions and plebeian “exit” to everyday resistance and symbolic configurations of rupture. The author emphasizes the contingent nature of possible outcomes and points out that the trajectories of social transformation remain radically unpredictable, despite the apparent lack of alternatives to the “civilization of the state” and the centuries-old trend toward increasing state control over society.

The article examines the key trends in digitization in business documentation management, both in government agencies and in organizations of various types, as well as in archival storage. An analysis of strategic regulatory documents has revealed such areas of digitization in document management as the development of blockchain, the implementation of artificial intelligence, and cloud-based document storage. Blockchain technology, as a distributed ledger, is promising in that it guarantees a model of immutability, transparency, and auditability for the document lifecycle. In legal terms, unlike sectoral regulation in the US or the comprehensive supranational rules of the European Union, which create a comprehensive legal framework, and in contrast to China’s strict prohibitions, this area is neither prohibited nor fully regulated in Russia. Blockchain technology has become widespread in data management, logistics, finance, public administration, legal services, and notaries, and is considered particularly applicable for collaborative work.
The implementation of artificial intelligence concerns the processing of large volumes of text and vast internet resources, the deciphering of handwritten archival documents and information retrieval, the reduction of resources for routine operations, voice recognition, risk assessment during contract negotiations, document compliance verification, and more. The future of cloud computing is being built in conjunction with artificial intelligence and machine learning technologies and is linked to the creation of a national cloud document storage system.

The article is devoted to the study of Central Asia as one of the key historical and civilizational regions of Eurasia, which for many centuries has functioned as a connecting link between the East and the West, as well as the South and the North. The study examines the specific features of the region’s formation as a space of intensive interaction among diverse peoples, cultures, religions, and political entities. Special attention is given to the influence of Central Asia’s geographical position on political, economic, and cultural development processes, as well as its role in the emergence of transcontinental communication networks.
Based on historical-comparative, historical-genetic, civilizational, and systemic approaches, the main stages of the evolution of the Central Asian region from antiquity to the modern period are analyzed.
The study explores the interaction between nomadic and sedentary societies, which significantly influenced the formation of statehood, economic activity, and the ethno-cultural structure of the region. The role of the Silk Road as a major factor of intercivilizational exchange is highlighted, facilitating the spread of trade relations, scientific knowledge, technologies, and religious teachings across different parts of Eurasia. The study concludes that Central Asia was not only a transit space but also an independent center of civilizational development that had a significant impact on the historical dynamics of the Eurasian continent. It is shown that the historical experience of the region remains relevant under contemporary conditions characterized by increasing geo-economic interdependence, the development of international transport and logistics corridors, and the growing importance of interregional cooperation. It is concluded that Central Asia continues to occupy an important place in the system of international relations, acting as one of the key factors in the sustainable development of Eurasia.

Woodrow Wilson, the 28th US President, and his ideological legacy have traditionally been at the center of socio-political debates since the First World War. His program of restructuring the international relations system based on the concept of liberal internationalism has always been the most actively discussed. Despite polarized views on Wilsonianism, it has remained a key theoretical framework in international relations for over a century. However, the 2020s have seen a clear decline in Wilson’s prestige and his ideological principles. This article examines the content of criticism of the president from certain segments of contemporary American society. First, Wilson’s ideas were opposed by a youth faction of radical left-wing neoliberals. During the Princeton student riots, they accused him of adhering to racial segregation and injecting racial views into foreign policy. Second, Wilsonianism was harshly criticized by conservatives, especially Trumpists. They argue that the danger of Wilson’s foreign policy legacy stems from the fact that his priorities determine the American political elite’s commitment to a global agenda at the expense of US national interests. The author concludes that contemporary debates on Wilsonianism demonstrate a crisis in the ideology of liberal internationalism in the context of the emergence of a new world order.

The article explores the phenomenon of the «gray zone» as a special space of strategic rivalry, which cannot be reduced either to an open armed conflict or to peaceful interaction between states. The relevance of the study is due to the increasing complexity of hybrid wars, within which political, information-psychological, information-technological, economic and military means form a common mechanism of strategic coercion. The purpose of the article is to reveal the theoretical and methodological significance of the concept of “gray zone” in the study of hybrid warfare as a long-term regime of influence on state governance, political legitimacy, social consolidation and economic strength of the enemy state. The methodological basis of the research consists of socio-philosophical analysis, the provisions of the theory of international relations, military political science, comparative theoretical and systematic methods. The signs of the “gray zone” are revealed: the blurring of the boundaries between war and peace, the uncertainty of legal qualifications, the hidden nature of actions, the combination of state and non-state actors, and the continued ability to deny direct involvement in the measures being taken. The focus of the hybrid impact on the gradual decline in the quality of public administration, the limitation of the legitimacy of government, the violation of social unity and the growth of economic costs has been established. The role of the “gray zone” as an independent space of geopolitical activity, within which strategic pressure develops outside of open warfare, is shown. The results obtained allow us to consider the “gray zone” as a stable form of competition, complicating the legal and political assessment of threats. It is concluded that it is necessary to clarify the conceptual framework for the study of hybrid wars, since the traditional opposition of war and peace does not convey the nature of long-term strategic impact in international relations.

The study of the city and urban phenomena is one of the interdisciplinary areas of scientific research for modern science. It is clear that when studying the city and its manifestations, scholars draw on their own scientific interests and affiliation with a particular field of knowledge. At the same time, research into the political-military ontology of the city and its specific phenomenon of the «architectural enemy» offers a new perspective on the city itself and its genesis.
The evolution of human society is closely linked to the development of urbanization. Urban manifestations can be traced from antiquity throughout the subsequent course of human history. Cities have witnessed the emergence and development of not only commercial, economic, legal, and fiscal functions, but also political and military ones. All this was reflected in the ability of cities to pursue their own policies, aimed not only at the city’s own benefit but also at imposing such policies externally.
The city is not only an arena of political confrontation but also a field of specific military confrontation. The diversity of urban landscapes creates complex and often contradictory opportunities for the opposing sides. The capture and retention of cities, especially the capital, largely determine not only military and symbolic success, but also political success. Possession of a city creates the conditions for the formation of a locus of collective memory as a sociocultural construct.

The article provides a systematic analysis of the stages in the development of the migration legislation of the Kyrgyz Republic from the attainment of independence to the present day. Based on historical-legal and comparative-legal methods, three key stages in the evolution of migration policy are identified: the formation of the legal framework in the 1990s, institutional strengthening during 2000–2010, and the contemporary stage of digitalization and integration with international standards after 2010. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the proposed three-stage periodization, which is based on the transformation of the dominant functions of legal regulation – from constitutive to protective-institutional and subsequently to integrationstrategic. Particular attention is paid to the impact of Kyrgyzstan’s accession to the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015 on migration regulation. The study demonstrates that the number of Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia increased from approximately 400,000 to more than 1 million people, while remittance inflows reached USD 3.5 billion, accounting for about 15% of the country’s GDP. At the same time, unresolved legal issues are identified: a significant proportion of migrants remain deprived of social guarantees, and more than 83,000 citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic face the risk of entry bans to Russia, indicating a gap between formally declared rights and their practical implementation. The analysis of support mechanisms for compatriots abroad, interagency cooperation, and strategic policy documents reveals the role of migration legislation as an important instrument of national security and the socioeconomic development of the country. Further improvement of migration policy requires not so much the adoption of new regulations as ensuring strict compliance with existing norms and the development of legal support institutions for Kyrgyz citizens abroad.