The article contains the results of monitoring the friendliness of communication regimes in the post-Soviet countries and an analysis of the friendliness rating of these countries for 2022. The author identifies a number of trends: the strengthening of the polarization of friendly and unfriendly communication regimes; strengthening state control over information content and communication channels; reducing the subjectivity of civil society institutions as actors of communication regimes; increased pressure on the Orthodox Church. Fluctuating type of communication regimes are revealed, in which, according to the author, one should expect changes in the conditions of communications with Russia. It spoken about critically significant factor in the successful promotion of Russia's interests – the development of special communication strategies for intercountry interactions. The author argues that the phenomenon of "post-Soviet" is alive and is used by different countries either to build up friendly communications or to increase hostility towards Russia.

The article examines the development of Russian-Turkish relations over the past 30 years, the main aspects of geopolitical relations and, in particular, the conflicts in the South Caucasus and adjacent regions. The authors believe that the key ones are the two Karabakh wars, the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict and the fve-day Georgian-South Ossetian war, as well as the Ukrainian crisis, the Libyan and Syrian conflicts, in which Moscow and Ankara have different interests. The new confguration of forces in the South Caucasus will largely depend on the outcome of the resolution of these conflicts. The authors identify the main patterns in the development of bilateral Russian-Turkish relations, which are characterized by a combination of confrontation, competition and cooperation. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.

The article considers the factors shaping the specifcs of cooperation between Russia and Georgia in the humanitarian sphere. The authors state a decrease in the intensity of scientifc, educational, and cultural communication. The impossibility of a fnal civilizational break is noted due to the commonality of the historical past, religion and culture. The key problem identifed is the impossibility of building full-scale humanitarian cooperation due to the lack of diplomatic relations and the presence in Russia of a visa regime to Georgia. The pragmatic position of the Georgian ruling elite towards Russia, as well as the growth of the tourist flow of Russians to Georgia, are positive factors for the further development of cooperation in the humanitarian sphere. The authors conclude that in the absence of a political dialogue at the highest level, the impetus for the development of humanitarian cooperation can be given by organizations of the non-proft sector and diasporas of Georgians in Russia and Russians in Georgia. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.

Central Asia now plays an important geopolitical role in the balance of power in Eurasia. Russia's role in the region is evolving, but it remains one of the leading ones. The pandemic and the conflict in Ukraine have shifted the situation out of homeostasis. So it is now important to address the issue of security, support for small and mediumsized businesses, and the preservation and development of cultural and humanitarian links. Based on the Foresight procedure this article draws conclusions about the way forward for multilateral relations in the “Central Asia-Russia” format on the basis of the outcome documents announced by the Heads of the Central Asian States and the Russian Federation after their meeting. Using the rapid Foresight tools (anticipation, design, programming and projection), conclusions are drawn about the important position of the Russian Federation as a regional actor in the external policies of the Central Asian States. Its current position is strong, but not uncontroversial. The thesis of the interpenetration of the Russian and Central Asian economies has also been elaborated, since the backbone of low-diversifcation economies are energy and energy-transit. At the same time, one cannot ignore the powerful resource of soft power. The vast area of frontier communicativeness formed by the Kazakhstan-Russian border is a unique resource that can be exploited in the future. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.

In recent years, the priorities in relations between the countries of the postSoviet region have been changing rapidly. In this situation, it is very important to see the trends and mindsets of the societies of our countries, including those expressed in the media and social networks. In this context, relations between Azerbaijan and Russia, or more precisely between our societies, are in many ways friendly. In Azerbaijan society, the attitude towards the Russian language, culture and education is consistently good. There is a growing interest in education in Russian, which is signifcant against the backdrop of not only popularity, but also restrictions on Russian-language education in some countries in the post-Soviet space. However, the external factor in the South Caucasus has a great influence on the Azerbaijan political discourse and leads to the spread of phenomena that are contrary to Russian national interests and can be considered by Russia as threats. The study used materials from some media, the results of personal observations and conclusions from numerous public events.

The article is devoted to the issue of friendliness as a category of the current state of the communication regimes of the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation. The orientation of the friendliness of the Armenian communication regime is largely determined by the sharp contradictions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the continuing tension in the Karabakh conflict zone, and the instability of the internal political situation. The confrontation of various political forces and the large role of the external factor have a great influence on the Armenian political discourse and favor the emergence of trends that are contrary to Russian national interests and can be considered by Russia as threats. The article analyzes the features of the news materials presented by the information and information-analytical agencies of Armenia in Russian. Information occasions, the emotional tone of information messages are studied, it is assessed how fully the Russianlanguage content reflects the events in the life of Armenian society and, in particular, the trends in the development of relations between Armenia and Russia. It is concluded that the potential for more detailed news coverage in Russian of Russian-Armenian relations, the  results of cooperation between Russia and Armenia has not yet been revealed. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications evelopment Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.

The article was prepared on the materials of a scientifc discussion held by the National Communications Development Research Institution, dedicated to the study of the communication regime in Kyrgyzstan. The authors examine the decline in the level of knowledge of the Russian language and interest in the Russian-language media, talk about the need to develop cooperation between the Kyrgyz and Russian media and civil society institutions, and develop the infrastructure of Russian schools, especially in rural areas. The question is raised about changing approaches to the choice of an event series to preserve the common historical memory of peoples. Noting the great positive signifcance of cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and Russia for the development of Kyrgyz society, the authors talk about important problems: the development of an anti-Russian infrastructure in Kazakhstan (supported by Western investors) and its impact on public opinion, especially Kyrgyz youth. The article was based on the results of a scientific discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.

The article is devoted to the results of the study of the information and communication sphere in the Republic of Belarus, the role, place and importance of national and foreign information and communication resources. The state, challenges and threats to the national security of the Republic, the tools for conducting the information war of the Western countries against the Belarusian state are considered. Examples of the information impact of opposition channels in Telegram, Twitter, You Tube on the authorities in Belarus with the aim of removing A.G. Lukashenko from the post of the President of the Republic are given. Comparisons were made between the effectiveness and popularity of state-owned media and foreign private information resources. Priority areas of the research are identified and presented, the results should be used to strengthen counteraction to information and psychological attacks against Russia and Belarus.

The article focuses on the history of the Democratic Party during the bipartisan Democrat-Whig system. It shows how the nationwide issues of tariffs, slavery and expansion influenced the formation of sectional factions. Having progressed from a small-scale factional struggle, by the end of the period under review the party consisted of two major factions divided geographically by North-South. Particular attention is paid to the “Young America” movement, which originated with young and ambitious politicians who promoted infrastructure development and the idea of expanding borders. This idea came to be known as the "idea of predestination". Although the movement died out in the 1840s, the Predestination idea became the ideological basis for the invasion of Texas, California and other Mexican territories, as well as for the justifcation of the spread of slavery. The article examines how the controversy over the extension of slavery to the newly acquired territories caused a division of political forces in the country. "The Wilmot Proviso", which prohibited slavery in these territories, provoked protests from southern politicians, who not only began voting against the amendment in a single section, but began preparations for a convention that would decide the Southern states' secession from the United States.