The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of the ideological foundations of the militarized politics in the multipolar era, which allows us to identify key trends and patterns in this field. Scientific ideas about the spiritual roots of traditional and imperialist militarism are being systematized, which allows for a deeper understanding of the nature and functioning of these mechanisms. Based on the analysis of the achievements of political thought, it is concluded that there is an inherent militaristic potential in the context of modern global transformations. The results of the study emphasize the need to take into account moral, ideological, and political aspects when determining the level of militarization in the world community during the transition from a post-bipolar world order to a multipolar system. The article proves the close relationship between the development of the spiritual sphere of international relations and the content of military-political expansionism in the postmodern era, which makes it possible to identify dialectical prerequisites for the development and limitations of militarism in the context of globalization. There is a mimicry of militaristic manifestations in post-industrial countries that are successfully adapting to modern realities, which indicates the ability of militarism to evolve and expand its technological and ideological arsenal. As a result, the potential of military-political expansionism is used to influence public consciousness by subjects who are initially antagonistic to the ideology of militarism. Ideological and political concepts of a statist nature are recognized as the main competitor of the transnational ideological paradigm of militarization in the new world order, which requires further in-depth analysis and development of strategies to counter militaristic tendencies.

Perception of a state in international relations is rarely neutral. It is a product of purposeful meaning-making, and this article identifies the substantive characteristics of Russia’s image shaped by key German expert analytical institutions and examines their role in justifying and legitimizing current German policies. The methodological basis of this study is constructivism and the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization. This allows us to consider think tanks as active actors who shape interpretative frameworks for political decisions. Particular attention is paid to the institutional structure of the German expert community, including party foundations and independent analytical centers that are actively involved in shaping the foreign policy agenda. The primary research method is discourse analysis, supplemented by content analysis to track the frequency of key semantic units. The empirical basis comprises public reports and analytical papers from leading German analytical centers and political foundations. The author concludes that Russia’s image is purposefully constructed as an existential and revisionist threat to European security, driven by imperial ambitions. This legitimizes the FRG’s course toward militarization and confrontation. This image is characterized by a high degree of securitization, which significantly narrows the space for dialogue and the development of non-confrontational relations. The article’s significance lies in the necessity of considering the output of Germany’s analytical centers when formulating Russia’s foreign policy toward Germany and forecasting potential German actions that may threaten Russia’s national interests.

The article analyzes the potential of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) as a possible institutional foundation of the emerging Eurasian security architecture. The starting point of the study is the deepening crisis of the Euro-Atlantic security system, which, according to the author, has been caused by unilateral political and military-strategic decisions of the collective West, the expansion of military-political alliances, and the erosion of mechanisms of trust and arms control. In these conditions, the need to form a new, more stable and polycentric model of international security in Eurasia has been substantiated. The article examines the key principles of the Eurasian approach to security, among which particular importance is attached to the concepts of indivisible, common and mutual security, as well as to the principles of equal dialogue between states and the non-bloc nature of cooperation. Special attention is paid to the institutional and practical capabilities of the CSTO as an important mechanism for ensuring regional stability, including its system of collective forces, crisis response mechanisms, militarypolitical coordination, and experience in conducting joint operations and exercises. The author also analyzes the potential for interaction between the CSTO and other Eurasian integration structures and proposes a three-level model of security architecture in which the organization performs a central coordinating function at the military-political level. In conclusion, it is emphasized that the successful transformation of the CSTO into one of the key elements of the Eurasian security system is reflected in its ability to combine the principles of equal and indivisible security with openness to dialogue, institutional flexibility, and a readiness to cooperate with all interested states and regional associations in Eurasia.

In the context of contemporary social dynamics, the issue of values is particularly significant and requires a deep scientific understanding. Each new generation strives for self-determination and autonomy, both in the personal and social spheres. This active process leads to the emergence of new value paradigms that can significantly differ from those that prevailed among previous generations. The beginning of the 21st century is characterized by complex social processes influencing the value systems and worldviews of today’s youth. The geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the West is transforming sociopolitical conditions and affecting the psycho-emotional state of the younger generation, not only in Russia but also in neighboring countries. This study examines the role of Russia, Armenia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Belarus in promoting traditional values and the traditional family, as well as coordinating efforts among like-minded countries on these issues. The complexity of the process of forming values among young people remains relevant against the background of socioeconomic, political and spiritual transformations in recent decades. These processes have significantly influenced the dynamics of value orientations, behavioral patterns and life strategies of the younger generation. The value systems of young people evolve under the influence of historical and political processes, the information revolution, globalization, migration, the emergence of a market economy, and so on. The future of every society largely depends on youth – the key driving force of social change, capable of introducing new values and cultural norms.

The article provides a comparative analysis of the policies of the Russian Federation and Japan in the field of sustainable development, considering their geographical proximity, similarities in challenges they face, and potential for sharing experience. The novelty of the work lies in its comprehensive comparison of development models in different political and cultural contexts, which goes beyond economics and considers sociocultural factors. The work examines the evolution of approaches from almost complete neglect of the topic in Russia during the 1990s to Japan’s search for development of new paths during a period of economic stagnation, to the formation of current national strategies. Special attention is paid to the ideological foundations, priorities, and results of the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The role of the state and business is analyzed: in Russia, it is mainly a stateled initiative, whereas in Japan, it is driven by business and local authorities. The methodology includes comparative analysis, an institutional approach, and a study of documents. The sources are strategic documents, reports, and statistics. Key differences have been identified: in Russia, a technocratic and institutional approach; in Japan, a culturally oriented and socially integrated approach, which makes it possible to assess the prospects of each model.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the international legal framework for the human right to water and mechanisms for sustainable management of transboundary water resources in the context of the Central Asian region. The relevance of the study is determined by the increasing impact of climate change, melting glaciers, growing water scarcity, and the persistent imbalance of interests between upstream and downstream states in the Amu Darya and Syr Darya river basins. The purpose of this work is to analyze in-depth the formation of the right to water in the international legal context, to study the key principles of international water law and their significance for regulating transboundary water relations in Central Asia, with a particular emphasis on the interests of the Kyrgyz Republic. The methodological basis of the study includes formal-legal, comparative-legal, systemic, and institutional approaches, as well as an analysis of international treaties, acts of UN bodies, the practice of the International Court of Justice, and regional mechanisms for water cooperation. The study established that the right to water operates at the intersection of international human rights law, international environmental law, and the law of international watercourses, which requires an integrated approach to its regulation. It is substantiated that effective transboundary water resource management requires adherence to the principles of equitable and reasonable use, prevention of significant transboundary damage, cooperation, information exchange, and consideration of the interests of future generations. The study concludes by emphasizing the need for further development of international legal and institutional mechanisms for water cooperation in Central Asia, which is critical for ensuring regional stability, environmental security, and the realization of the population’s right to water.

The article reveals the conceptual and practical foundations of the formation of a new architecture for external labor migration in the Kyrgyz Republic within the context of modern global transformations and socio-economic challenges. The relevance of the topic is due to changes in international migration regimes, a decrease in the stability of traditional labor markets, and the need to develop a multi-vector strategy that ensures the diversification of labor mobility and increases the sustainability of the national economy. The research is based on a systematic and interdisciplinary approach, including comparative, structural, functional, and content analysis of regulations, statistical data, and analytical materials from international organizations. The key areas of Kyrgyzstan’s international cooperation with IOM, ILO, UNDP, ICMPD and JICA, as well as institutional mechanisms for the development of organized forms of labor migration, certification of qualifications and digitalization of migration management are considered. Special attention is paid to the issues of reintegration of returning migrants in the context of the transformation of the domestic labor market. The socio-demographic structure of the returnees, their professional competencies, as well as measures of state and international support, including preferential lending programs, grant initiatives, retraining and the Mekenim 1+1 project are analyzed. The need to integrate migrants into the country’s economic system through the development of small businesses, job creation and financial literacy is emphasized. The results of the study indicate the formation of a new institutionally stable model of migration policy in Kyrgyzstan. This model combines external multi-vector strategies with internal socio-economic adaptation aimed at effectively use of migrants’ human capital and strengthening national security.

In the post-Soviet period, Russian researchers have practically lost interest in the phenomenon of revanchism, which is the ideology, theory and practice of preparing for war in order to transform the status quo that has developed after a military defeat. Nevertheless, the ideas of revenge continue to have a significant impact on politics of Western states, which is explicitly manifested in contemporary Germany. An Analysis of the genesis of the ideology and practice of revanchism in Germany demonstrates that its roots go back to the ideas of patriotism and national revival. During the Nazi period, revanchist sentiments gained a powerful theoretical and ideological foundation thanks to the writings of the Prussian military theorist Carl von Clausewitz, whose ideas were actively used to justify and promote the military ambitions of the Nazi regime. After the defeat of Nazism there was a renaissance of interest in West Germany to the works of German thinkers, including Clausewitz, which was also connected with criticism of the victors’ policies aimed at denazification, demilitarization and revision of the post-war world order. This process contributed to the legitimization of revanchist sentiments and the revision of the results of the Second World War. Nowadays Germany is demonstrating an anti-Russian foreign policy strategy aimed at strengthening its military potential and striving for dominance in Europe. There is a tendency towards encouragement of Russophobia in the socio-political discourse of the country, which creates favorable conditions for the revival of revanchist ideas and practices. Thus, the scientific community and Russian institutes of state and society should put efforts to prevent and expose revanchist tendencies and radical ideologies and practices. This requires a deep analysis and critical reconsideration of historical and modern manifestations of revanchism, as well as the development of effective strategies to oppose these phenomena.

This article examines the historical background of migration from Central Asian countries to the Russian Federation, drawing on five recent academic publications published between 2021 and 2025. These publications focus on labor migration, the transformation of the post-Soviet migration space, and factors that contribute to the sustainability of migration flows. It is shown that current migration from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and other countries of the region cannot be explained solely by current economic difficulties. Its sustainability is linked to the long-term influence of historically established factors, including a shared Soviet past, linguistic proximity, established mobility channels, institutional accessibility of the Russian labor market, and the dependence of some households on earnings outside their country of residence. Particular attention is paid to how different research approaches explain the persistence of Russia as the primary destination for labor migration from Central Asia, even in the face of a pandemic, sanctions, and changing government regulation mechanisms. Macroeconomic, historical-institutional, and systemic approaches to migration analysis are systematized. The article concludes that historical preconditions continue to determine not only the origins of migration flows but also their ability to adapt to crises, maintaining their structural significance for Russia and the countries of the region. The author’s views on the role of the COVID-19 pandemic, which did not destroy the existing migration system but temporarily altered its scale, the speed of recovery, forms of employment, and the conditions for the adaptation of foreign workers into Russian society as a whole, are separately considered.

The Second Sino-Japanese War was a major conflict between China and imperialist Japan. China proved to be particularly vulnerable to external occupation: the country was politically divided, socially fragmented, and economically disadvantaged. Although China suffered huge losses, the resistance caused by the people’s antipathy to the growing aggression of Japan led to the final defeat of the Japanese forces. Memories of national humiliation were initially suppressed due to fears that traumatic events could undermine national reconstruction and nation-building. However, China gradually began to realize its power in shaping its own wartime narrative. China’s official report on the War of Resistance against Japan not only returned its war effort to its proper place but also reinforced the call for nationalism by presenting itself as a victim of the war. At the end of the 20th century, state-sponsored campaigns began in China to perpetuate the memory of the Second Sino-Japanese War. To further mobilize young people unfamiliar with the shocks and humiliations of the former China, a patriotic education campaign was launched. The national narrative of humiliation is a binding force between citizens and the motherland, which strengthens social and political affiliation. Positioning China as a victim of Japanese intervention allows for an ambitious foreign policy program aimed at preventing a repeat of the humiliation. At the same time, the surge in nationalist sentiments may be reflected in China’s political decisions and behavior in the international arena.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the contribution of Russian scientists of the XIX – early XX centuries to the formation of scientific historiography of the historical geography of Central Asia of the pre-monotheistic (pre-Islamic) period. The focus is on the interpretation of the Avestan geographical tradition, reconstructed on the basis of a body of written monuments, among which the texts of the Avesta and subsequent Pahlavi literature occupy a key place. The author conducts a detailed critical analysis of the reports and diaries of Russian scientific expeditions, which systematically recorded the toponymic, hydrographic and orographic characteristics of the region, as well as its ethnocultural and anthropological features. The application of an interdisciplinary methodology integrating mapping methods, hermeneutic analysis of written sources and empirical field observations allowed for the first time to carry out a comprehensive systematization and localization of the oldest geographical objects of Central Asia. Special importance is attached to the identification of oronyms and hydronyms mentioned in the Avestan canon and their correlation with modern geographical nomenclature. The article also examines the heuristic potential of these studies for reconstructing the ethno-cultural identity of the Tajik people as a direct ethnogenetic and cultural successor of the ancient Iranian ethnic groups, as well as for recreating the historical and cultural landscape in which the formation and development of the Zoroastrian religious tradition took place. The materials collected and analyzed by Russian researchers represent a unique source base for further academic studies in the field of Avestan geography and biographical reconstruction of the life path of the Prophet Zarathustra.

The formation of public consciousness and historical memory as its component play an important role in the construction of national identity. The article examines Romanian public consciousness, which is based on the idea of a “correct” interpretation of the history of the events of the Second World War, as well as historical policy conducted in accordance with it from an official, scientific and institutional point of view. Romanian and Russian scientific thought, media materials, as well as museums and memorials are studied. The article analyzes how memories of the war period are preserved and interpreted in modern Romanian society, and also examines the influence of individual plots of Romanian history on the formation of national identity and public consciousness. One of the controversial topics in Romania’s historical memory of World War II is the assessment of Romania’s role as a satellite of Nazi Germany due to the threat from the Soviet Union and the lack of potential allies. The estimates of the August 23, 1944 uprising are contradictory. Some consider it a heroic act that saved Romania from Nazi occupation, while others may view it as an attempt to save the country from defeat in the war. The article also examines the role of I. Antonescu and his assessment in Romanian historiography, as well as the implementation of the geopolitical project of “Greater Romania” as one of the motives for participating in the war. Special attention is paid to various aspects of the perception of the war: from Romania’s participation in hostilities to the consequences for the country and its people.

The characterization of Germany’s evolving security and defense policy remains one of the most topical and debated issues in modern European security studies. “Zeitenwende” marked a new phase in Germany’s security policy, leading to a fullscale process of doctrinal reorientation. It was implemented through a series of official documents, including the National Security Strategy and the Military Strategy, which were released for the first time in Germany. These papers posited the country’s commitment to enhancing its defense capabilities and redefining its role within the Euro-Atlantic security architecture. The key research question is whether increasing military capabilities are representative of (re-)militarization or they represent defensive adaptation shaped by a historically embedded strategic culture.

The author devises an alternative explanation basing on the concept of strategic culture, statistical data on German defense expenditure, and the provisions of the main official documents. According to it, the transformation of German security policy can be defined as a transitional normalization, which presumes advance of military capabilities with the framework of core values of German strategic culture, e.g., multilateralism, alliance loyalty, and a rule-based approach to security. Historically shaped strategic culture is regarded as a normative and conceptual context of current changes that contrasts with (re-)militarization. The research provides assessments to the probability and prospects of Germany taking the leading role as a European conventional military power within NATO. The ongoing rearmament measures and their implications are interpreted as longoverdue measures to address deep-seated defense deficiencies that had previously played a distinctly secondary role in the German political agenda.

The article examines the evolution of memory politics in Spain from the transition to democracy (1975–1982) to the present day. The central issue is the conflict between the official “pact of oblivion” (1977 Amnesty, 1978 Constitution) and mounting pressure from activists, the public, and memorial organizations. The study is structured around three stages: the consensus transition marked by silencing the past; the “memory wars” of the 1990s–2000s, driven by clashes between memorial organizations (notably the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory and the Francisco Franco Foundation) and the dismantling of the “two Spains” myth; and institutionalization despite resistance from right-wing forces. Analysis demonstrates that Spain’s memory politics has transformed over time: from the consensus “pact of oblivion” of the transitional period (1975–1982) to open confrontation fueled by bottom-up activism and top-down institutional shifts. The Historical Memory Law (2007) and Democratic Memory Law (2022) initiated victim recognition processes; however, surveys from Spain’s Sociological Research Center reveal growing societal polarization and nostalgia among youth. Methods employed include legislative analysis, Sociological Research Center data review, discourse analysis of media and official statements. Memory of the Civil War and dictatorship has become a tool of political legitimization, sparking new “memory wars” that only exacerbate divisions between right- and left-wing parties in contemporary Spain. The author concludes that the lack of consensus hinders reconciliation and objective reckoning with the Civil War and dictatorship.

The relevance of the topic is related to the growth of conservative trends in the modern world. The reasons for this phenomenon are explained by the theory of neopatrimonialism, which focuses on the reproduction of traditional practices in the activities of modern bureaucracy. The author hypothesizes that the system of political governance created by S.Berlusconi had pronounced neopatrimonial features.

To prove this hypothesis, the following tasks were set: to identify the prerequisites for the emergence of “Berlusconism” as a political and cultural phenomenon and to prove its neopatrimonial nature; to show that the neopatrimonial practices used by the government of S.Berlusconi were economically effective and fully compatible with the institutions of democracy. The study analyzed the main factors that contributed to the political success of S.Berlusconi and his party.

It is established that S.Berlusconi’s strategy was most consistent with the political traditions of Italy. The author notes the common features of such political phenomena as “Berlusconism”, “Trumpism” and a number of others. It is concluded that the democratic decline, the rise of authoritarian populism, and the neopatrimonial trend are interrelated processes that have largely determined the content of the political transformations of the modern era.