The article is devoted to the study of “trust” in NATO as a key element of the alliance structure and its impact on the dynamics of interactions between the United States and its European allies. Throughout the history of the bloc, relations within the alliance have been asymmetrical. The main focus is on the crisis of trust that escalated during the presidency of Donald Trump, who questioned the traditional foundations of the alliance such as mutual security commitments and shared values. The goal of the study is to identify major discursive practices and behavioral patterns of allies that serve as indicators of “mistrust”, to analyze their causes and implications for NATO stability. The work identifies the main factors affecting the dynamics of “trust” relations within NATO. The scientific significance of the study lies in the application of a constructivist approach to the study of alliances, which allows us to reveal normative and behavioral aspects of trust. The practical value of the work is associated with an analysis of the strategies of European countries in the context of increasing asymmetry and the transactional nature of relations with the United States. Overall, trust in transatlantic relations has been showing a tendency towards instability and dependence on internal and external changes and shocks. The Trump administration’s actions have intensified these crisis tendencies, but they lie in long-term differences between the US and Europe. European initiatives to strengthen defense autonomy are not yet able to replace transatlantic solidarity.

This study focuses on the African policy of the Trump administration during his second term. The authors analyze why the formal framework for strategic planning in Africa proved too restrictive for the new US administration. Particular attention is paid to the consistent decline in international aid as a part of US African strategy. During Trump’s first term, there was a focus on streamlining goal-setting at the US Agency for International Development (USAID). In his second term, this agency was disbanded completely, creating new realities for international relations. The perception of the “trade instead of aid” concept is analyzed from both US and African perspectives in the context of implementation of the American AGOA initiative and trade wars affecting many of its participants. The authors also examine new mechanisms of American resource diplomacy that has expanded since 2025 to include conflict regions on the continent, paying particular attention to the agency of African states within the context of American strategy of situational pressure, as well as clear asymmetry in capabilities between the US and its African partners. The authors conclude that, as the African Continental Free Trade Area develops, collective agency of African countries increases, avoiding volatility in future trade wars, leading to greater stability in Africa’s economic development. The article also concludes with discussion about impact of current American strategy on Russia’s interests in Africa.

This article examines the phenomenon of information warfare as the most important tool of global governance in the modern international context. The author analyzes it as a cognitive form of warfare focused on controlling perception, destroying identity, and delegitimizing the enemy. The study analyzed anti-Russian information campaigns initiated by unfriendly Western states, which made it possible to identify methods and stages of cognitive impact, including the introduction of topics into the information agenda and the formation of collective oblivion. The theoretical basis of the research consists of constructivist approaches, as well as concepts developed by the Copenhagen School of Security, and the theory of the “Overton window” adapted to analyze the boundaries of public discourse. Special attention is paid to the study of reputational attacks, deepfakes, astroturfing and memetic weapons, which are modern tools of information influence. In addition, the article analyzes the activities of key international actors such as the United States, the EU, NATO and UNESCO in the field of strategic communications. Russian retaliatory measures are viewed through the prism of national information security doctrines and strategies. Based on the conducted research, the author suggests a typologization of information impacts used in the framework of media campaigns. In conclusion, information warfare can be considered a strategic resource for ensuring mental sovereignty and influencing geopolitical processes without the use of military force. Russia has taken preventive measures to stop the spread of harmful information from unfriendly countries, especially in relation to its operation.

This article examines the concepts of “foreign broadcasting” (also known as international or foreign broadcasting) and “Track-II diplomacy” as interconnected tools of international communication. An analysis of historical data suggests that currently, foreign broadcasting is increasingly evolving from propaganda to dialogue, pushing track two diplomacy to shift from closed meetings to public campaigns. Track- II diplomacy is also changing under the influence of media: the range of participants is expanding; now, not only academics but also bloggers and activists can use media platforms for dialogue. Media act as a catalyst for these processes, facilitating the diversification of participants in diplomatic interaction. The active use of digital platforms creates a unique synergy between international broadcasting, media, and Track-II diplomacy, transforming them into complementary tools in the context of contemporary international communication. International broadcasting, media and Track-II diplomacy are arguably integrating into a unified system, becoming integral parts of both traditional and informal diplomatic interactions. These are becoming complementary tools for contemporary international communication that invariably become part of diplomatic interactions, both traditional and non-traditional. In the context of globalisation and the emergence of multipolarity, the future of these phenomena lies in the co-evolution of media platforms and non-formal diplomacy. This reflects broader trends in international relations where communication technologies play an increasingly significant role shaping the global political landscape.

The relevance of this study is determined by the pronounced trend of increasing geopolitical tensions in various regions of the world, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region (APR). Given the ongoing transformation of global interactions, the consolidation of the status of the Asia Pacific region as a key player in shaping the international agenda and the changes in formats of interaction between countries, a comprehensive analysis of mechanisms and prospects of interaction with key actors in the region is particularly important. This paper presents a predictive analysis of scenarios for conflict development in Asia-Pacific, as well as assessment of potential impact on geopolitical standing of Russia in pursuit of strategic interests in region. The study is based on an interdisciplinary approach, integrating elements of political science, international relations, and geopolitics. This analysis examines both traditional and new factors influencing geopolitical dynamics in the Asia-Pacific region, including economic interests, military-political strategies, cultural and civilizational aspects of interaction. Particular attention is paid to Russia’s role as a key actor in the region, its ability to adapt to changing geopolitical conditions, and effectively use its resources to strengthen its position. The article examines various scenarios, including possible coalition alliances, escalating conflicts, and the emergence of new centers of power. It is predicted that, amid increasing competition for resources and influence in the Asia Pacific region, Russia may face a choice between strategies of integration into regional structures or maintaining independence in foreign policy decision making.

The article analyzes the signifi of the country communication regime and its essential elements for comprehension of the foreign policy course of states amid modern geopolitical transformations. Particular attention is drawn to the information and communication space as a fi   of contestation for infl where the communication regime serves as a tool for shaping and transforming political discourse. Based on the example of Russian-Armenian relations after Armenia’s 2018 “Velvet revolution”, the author specifi the ambivalence of Armenia’s foreign policy, refl cted in contradictory statements by governmental offi  media narratives, and the polarization of public opinion regarding integration formats such as the CSTO, EAEU, and cooperation with the EU. Armenia’s contemporary course is characterized by a shift toward a multi-vector foreign policy, involving participation in Eurasian integration formats while simultaneously expanding strategic partnership with the West. The communication regime, as a tool for regulating the national information and communication space, and the discourse formed within it serve the purposes of transforming foreign policy and legitimizing this multi-vector approach. An analysis of strategic and normative documents, as well as official statements, demonstrates that the discourses emerging in official declarations are gradually leading to a shift from the foreign policy priorities declared in strategic documents and legal acts. This dynamic features the contribution to the consolidation of new strategic guidelines in the long term. The author emphasizes the necessity to maintain and upkeep a friendly discourse toward the Russian Federation, highlighting the risks of negative rhetoric escalation and the further displacement of positive narratives about Russia from the public sphere.

This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the influence of international actors on the cognitive space and its significance as a strategic resource in the global political system. It examines the current state of the international environment, characterized by a high degree of conflict potential, which highlights the need for a detailed study of key issues requiring in-depth theoretical and empirical analysis. The focus is on the structure and systematic nature of influence on the cognitive sphere, as well as its potential to become a significant factor in geopolitical power. Institutions focused on long-term development include a wide range of organizations, including universities, educational institutions, specialized language and culture institutes. These institutions not only carry out educational functions but also play a crucial role in shaping society’s intellectual capital and cultural identity. The study focuses on the phenomenon of hybrid influence on cognitive space, illustrating the multifaceted nature and complexity of modern influence strategies. Current trends and mechanisms for influencing cognitive space are analyzed, demonstrating their diversity and high effectiveness. A historical perspective allows for a classification of the stages of evolution of technologies that form the technological basis for influencing cognitive spaces. Based on this research, the author formulates practical recommendations for managing cognitive spaces, including defining goals and content for this process. These recommendations are based on a comprehensive analysis of current trends and mechanisms, enabling well-founded and effective proposals for managing cognitive space within international relations.

The article explores the potential of social psychoanalysis as an interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of international relations. The author argues that under conditions of global transformation, declining trust, and increasing conflict intensity, traditional rational and institutional models of analysis are no longer sufficient. Social psychoanalysis enables the identification of unconscious motivations, archetypal images, collective traumas, and ideological constructs that shape the behavior of actors in international politics. The paper reviews key theorists and approaches, including Freudo- Marxism, Lacanian psychoanalysis, psychoanalytic sociology, as well as contemporary interpretations of trauma, hostile identity, and political leadership. Special attention is given to both international and Russian experiences in applying this approach to practice. A specific example of conflict analysis is presented, including the Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict, revealing common archetypes and narratives transmitted through politics, media and collective memory. For the first time, an experiment integrating tools of social psychoanalysis with artificial intelligence is described (GPT models for generating analytical insights). The author demonstrates that AI can be effective at preliminary analysis and modelling, but requires expert interpretation. The article emphasizes the need for developing social psychoanalysis in Russian academic and practical contexts as a method for interpreting and resolving conflicts in international politics.

. Since the late 20th century, Canadian public policy has seen a transformation in the perception of international educational services provided by Canadian higher education institutions. While these services were previously viewed solely as a source of financial resources and knowledge, they are now valued as a powerful tool for attracting highly qualified specialists known as “ideal immigrants”. These graduates are characterized not only by a high level of professional training, but also by their ability to quickly adapt to a new cultural and professional environment, making them attractive to the Canadian labour market. Furthermore, a number of characteristics of international students and the specifics of professional education in Canada contribute to an overestimation of their potential. International students typically demonstrate high motivation for learning and professional development, and possess a wide range of cultural and social competencies, enabling them to make a significant contribution to the country’s economic and social development. In the context of a deep analysis of incoming educational migration, it seems appropriate to examine a number of key parameters, including the geography and scale of migration, demographic and profile structures, the legal framework for providing education to foreigners in Canada, as well as current return migration statistics. Investigating these aspects not only provides a better understanding of international academic mobility mechanisms, but also the development of effective strategies to improve the quality and competitiveness of Canadian higher education on the global education market.

This article examines the halal industry, specifically “halal” cafés and restaurants in Moscow. Given the varying perceptions of halality among restaurateurs and café owners, we use scare quotes to emphasize the contested nature of the term “halal”. This topic is quite relevant for various reasons, there is a significant lack of research on this topic based on material from Moscow; secondly, there has been a rapid growth in the emergence of such restaurants and catering establishments. The study draws on an analysis of the operations of ten cafés and one restaurant in Moscow that present themselves as “halal”. These eleven sites were recruited using Respondent-Driven Sampling (RDS), a method widely used, including in Russia, to collect data on marginalized, hard-to-reach groups such as migrant communities. The article presents five semi-structured interviews with owners or administrators and employed participant observation in all of these establishments So far, these are only preliminary conclusions, since the two-year project “The Culture of everyday Life of Moscow Muslims: spaces, networks and practices” is at the beginning of its implementation. Nevertheless, the broad contours of the “big picture” are beginning to emerge, pointing to a substantial segment of Moscow’s urban space where Muslim communities play a significant role.

This article examines the key aspects of women’s socio-economic status in Iran at the beginning of the Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911. This research is based on a thorough analysis of Persian-language sources and literature that has not been previously included in Russian historical studies. Special attention is given to the specifics of women’s status in various areas of public life: social, family, economic and educational. The analysis identifies three main groups of Iranian women: urban, sedentary peasants and nomadic women. Each group is examined in terms of its socio-domestic roles, role in a family structure and legal status. Special emphasis is placed on the economic contributions of each group, with a focus on urban populations as the most researched segment of Iranian society during the early 20th century. A review of educational opportunities available to women during this time period is also presented. The author seeks to uncover the specific role of women in Iranian society as one of the key factors contributing to the crisis of social relations at the beginning of the last century. Based on the analysis conducted, a list of key points for public demand to eliminate women’s inequality in various spheres of life has been formulated. These points are considered necessary conditions for further formation and development of women’s movements in Iran. The study attempts to comprehensively analyze the position of women in Iranian society at the turn of the century, as well as to identify the key factors that contributed to the emergence and development of the women’s movement in this country.

The author attempted to trace the background, outcome, and consequences of the war between Iran and Israel, which can be described as unexpected but expected. The Iran-Israel war in the summer of 2025 was the most acute, armed form of permanent conflict between these countries, which has lasted for over 45 years. Even before coming to power, Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder and first leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), criticized the State of Israel in his articles and speeches, arguing that its existence was illegal and unacceptable, and that its destruction was necessary. This concept has become the core of the state ideology of Iran – Khomeinism or neo-Shiism. There are three distinct stages of confrontation between the two countries. The first was the end of the 80s of the twentieth century, characterized by propaganda confrontation. The second, 2003–2024, saw Iran’s nuclear program become the primary factor, and both sides moved toward more active subversive actions. The third stage, from 2024 to the present, is characterized by direct armed conflict. The Iran-Israel conflict has taken various forms over the course of more than four decades: from information wars, proxy wars, and cyberwars to the “hot” war of 2025. The Iran-Israel war had its own unique characteristics, the most important of which were the distance between the warring parties, the absence of a line of contact, the impossibility of using ground forces, and the priority given to missile forces and drones, as well as human and space intelligence. Thus, the summer of 2025 marked the “moment of truth” for Iran, when the country’s future fate are being resolved.

This study examines the complex process of Russian narratives’ infiltration into Western public discourse, highlighting specific mechanisms and strategies, as well as the structures that employ them. The relevance of the study stems from the key role of information space and soft power technologies in the contemporary geopolitical landscape, as well as from the intensifying confrontation between Russia and the West. This analysis develops a conceptual framework for soft power technologies, identifying their functional interrelations and synergistic potential. The empirical base includes materials for the study from Russian media (RT, Sputnik, TASS), Western media (Bloomberg, The Guardian, New York Times), official documents, and online resources. The study’s methodological framework utilizes comparative and contrastive methods, content analysis, and discourse analysis, enabling a multifaceted study of the mechanisms of narrative dissemination. The study identified key Russian narratives, their negative perception in Western discourse, and their influence on public opinion. Events that contributed to the increased dissemination of Russian narratives in Western public opinion were also analyzed. Particular attention was paid to identifying the “hidden” network of narrative dissemination and analyzing its key players. The study found that the effectiveness of Russian narratives is achieved through targeted promotion across various platforms, integrated use of various tools and active use of “covert” communication channels. The final section emphasizes the importance of investing in soft power technologies as a strategic tool for achieving Russia’s foreign policy goals in contemporary geopolitical competition.

The study presented in this article aims to identify systemic threats to political stability and digital sovereignty in the Republic of Uzbekistan caused by fragmented legal regulation in the field of artificial intelligence (AI). A comparative analysis of regulatory models in Uzbekistan, Russia and Kazakhstan revealed critical gaps in legal frameworks for AI, specifically, there is a lack of specialized legislation on use of AI, ethical standards, and a direct prohibition on manipulative techniques such as deepfakes, mechanisms for risk assessment, clear delineation of responsibility for harm, and the development of national infrastructure with effective training tools. In the context of Marshall McLuhan’s media ecological theory, which views AI as an “external brain,” these gaps create a vicious cycle of interrelated political risks. The population’s cognitive vulnerability, known as “brain rot,” combined with unregulated synthetic media (deepfakes), creates the conditions for mass manipulation. Technological dependence on foreign platforms and the exodus of specialists lead to the loss of digital sovereignty. The uncritical implementation of AI in the public sector without accountability mechanisms undermines institutional trust. The article provides evidence that maintaining the current regulatory approach turns AI from a tool for development into a source of systemic vulnerability. In order to minimize these risks, it is necessary to immediately adopt comprehensive legislation that takes into account best practices from neighboring countries and addresses current challenges in the legal regulation of AI.

The article is a comprehensive study of the historical evolution of civil-military relations through the prism of theoretical concepts and ideas formed before the beginning of the 20th century. The work examines the views of thinkers of antiquity, the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and Modern times regarding the formation of military institutions, the principles of recruitment, the dynamics of relations between military and civilian structures, as well as issues of the division of powers between military and political leadership, military participation in coups and their interaction with religious institutions. The methodological basis of the research is an interdisciplinary approach that integrates elements of political philosophy, military history, sociology and cultural studies. Within the framework of this approach, a comparative analysis of theoretical concepts from different historical eras is carried out, which makes it possible to identify the continuity and transformation of key ideas in the context of changing socio-political conditions. The results of the study demonstrate the high importance of referring to historical experience for a deep understanding of modern transformations in the field of civil-military relations. In particular, the analysis of ancient and medieval sources makes it possible to comprehend the genesis of the concepts of civilian control over the army, as well as the mechanisms of legitimization of military power. The Renaissance and Modern Times, in turn, reveal the evolution of ideas about the professionalization of the army, the role of military leadership in political life, and the influence of religious institutions on military organization. Special attention is paid to the issues of interaction between military and civilian structures in the context of political crises and instability. The study shows that historical precedents of military involvement in coups not only confirm their potential role as a political force, but also reveal complex mechanisms of interaction with civil society and political elites.

This review analyses the monograph by V.V.Komleva and Kh.P.Nigmatullaeva, “Modern Political Thought in Tajikistan” (Moscow: Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, 2025). The work may be considered as the first comprehensive study in Russian scholarship on the formation and development of a national school of political thought in Tajikstan. The topic is highly relevant due to the need for deeper scholarly dialogue and mutual understanding between Central Asian countries and Russia. The review emphasizes the methodological rigour of the study, which covers a wide range of Tajik academic publications from 2000-2024 and uses historical, genetic, comparative and substantive analyses. The authors convincingly demonstrate the evolution of scholarly understanding of Tajikistan’s statehood, identity, ideology and foreign policy, revealing the inner logic behind the formation of a national political science tradition. The high scientific novelty and conceptual integrity of the monograph are noted as well as its contribution to the development of comparative politics and regional studies. The work can be recognized as academically significant and methodologically verified, and it is recommended for wide scientific and educational use.